Wednesday, 15 April 2026
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AI logoThe Curator asked about Naval Infantry: Recruitment, Attrition, in the Far East as a resukt of Ukraine War (for similar study see Mind the Gap series and associated papers about the Northern Fleet)
Key finding: Both Pacific Fleet naval infantry brigades have been effectively destroyed and reconstituted multiple times since 2022. They recruit primarily from Russia's Far Eastern federal subjects — Primorsky Krai, Kamchatka, Khabarovsk Krai — meaning the human cost of the Ukraine war falls disproportionately on Russia's most geographically isolated and politically marginal communities. The reconstitution of these formations as divisions is an organisational aspiration rather than a current military reality.

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AI logoCurator asked about the Sea of Okhotsk Bastion - Concept and Reality (echoing similar for Barents Bastion and Northern Fleet)


Key finding: The Sea of Okhotsk bastion is Russia's primary mechanism for preserving its Pacific second-strike nuclear deterrent. It is a layered concept — not a single defensive line — encompassing coastal missile systems, island chain fortification, submarine patrol areas, and aviation coverage. Japan's expanding ASW capability and the AUKUS nuclear submarine programme are the two developments most likely to complicate it over the next decade.

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The Curator asked about Okean 2024: Show of Force or Strategic Signal?

Key finding: Okean 2024 was the largest Russian naval exercise since the Soviet collapse, reviving a Cold War format after a 39-year gap. The political message — to NATO, to China, and to Russian domestic audiences — outweighed its military substance. Its most significant deficit was the conspicuous absence of any tactical reflection of the drone and naval warfare lessons from the Black Sea.

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AI logoAccurate and timely information is hard to get on a subject most nations consider classified. THe Curator asked abiut the operational availability of submarines in the Pacific Fleet. This is a best effort by AI at April 2026. Sources given in text and footnote

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AI logoBy Robin Ashby, Chair, Eurodefense Russia Observatory
From an original paper by Joseph E. Fallon first published at Defence Viewpoints. Revised and updated April 2026. (AI assisted)


Summary: The Russian Pacific Fleet is the second largest of Russia's four fleets and, in submarine terms, the most consequential after the Northern Fleet. Unlike the Baltic and Black Sea Fleets, it has not been materially degraded by the Ukraine war: its surface ships remain operational, its SSBN force has been reinforced, and its programme of new-build submarines continued without interruption through 2025. Its strategic purpose is nuclear deterrence from the Sea of Okhotsk bastion, sea-denial against the US Seventh Fleet and Japan's Maritime Self-Defence Force, and the projection of Russian presence across a theatre stretching from the Arctic to the Indian Ocean. The Russia-China naval relationship, exercised annually since 2012 and deepened in 2025 to include the first joint submarine patrols, adds a dimension that changes the strategic calculus for every US and allied planner in the Indo-Pacific.

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AI logoAI logoBy Robin Ashby, with additional material by Joseph E. Fallon

First published at Defence Viewpoints, 23rd March 2024. Revised and updated April 2026.

Summary: The Russian Baltic Fleet is the smallest and most constrained of Russia's four fleets. NATO's encirclement is now essentially complete following Finnish and Swedish accession, and the fleet's operational freedom in the open sea is severely curtailed. Yet the conventional analysis that this renders the Baltic Fleet strategically irrelevant misreads its purpose. Its utility is not blue-water combat but denial: the ability to mine the Danish Straits, threaten critical undersea infrastructure, and hold the Baltic littoral economies at risk from Kaliningrad's missile arsenal. Since 2024, Russia has demonstrated that warfare below the threshold of conventional conflict — conducted through shadow fleet vessels and infrastructure sabotage — extends the fleet's strategic reach far beyond its naval order of battle suggests.

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AI logoMIND THE GAP VIII — STRATEGIC BALANCE IN THE NORTHERN THEATRE: THE WINDOW, THE RISKS, THE RECKONING

By Robin Ashby, Director General UK Defence Forum; Rapporteur, High North Observatory

The Window

There is, at present, a window. It is not a matter of optimism. It is a matter of arithmetic.

Russia retains what matters most for strategic deterrence: a survivable nuclear arsenal and a largely intact maritime posture in the High North. The bastion — one million square kilometres of defended Barents Sea, shielded by Borei-A ballistic missile submarines, Yasen-M cruise missile boats armed with Zircon hypersonic missiles, layered air defence, and the Arctic base network described in the supporting paper Zashchitnyy Kupol — endures. Admiral Gorshkov fired Zircon in a live Barents Sea exercise in September 2025. The Northern Fleet's nuclear posture is not degraded. It is not distracted. It is the one element of Russian Arctic power that the war in Ukraine has left substantially intact.

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AI logoMIND THE GAP -  A SUPPORTING ANALYTICAL PAPER

By Robin Ashby, Rapporteur, High North Observatory

The First Act of the First World War

At 5am on 5 August 1914, less than twenty-four hours after Britain declared war on Imperial Germany, the cable ship CS Alert slipped out of Dover and began cutting. Within hours she had severed five transatlantic telegraph cables connecting Germany to the world — to North America, to Africa, to the wider global communications network on which the Kaiser's empire depended. It was the first British military act of the Great War, executed before a single soldier had crossed the Channel, before a single naval gun had fired in anger.

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A Supporting Paper to the Mind the Gap Series By Robin Ashby, Director General UK Defence Forum; Rapporteur, High North Observatory

AI logoThe reassertion of strategic competition in the High North has been accompanied by a proliferation of national and institutional Arctic policy documents. Between 2020 and 2026, Russia, the United States, the United Kingdom, Norway, Canada, Denmark, the European Union and NATO have all published or substantially updated their Arctic strategic frameworks. This paper surveys those documents, identifies their common threads and significant divergences, and assesses where declared policy aligns with — or falls short of — actual investment and capability. It is intended as a reference companion to the Mind the Gap series rather than a standalone analytical paper. The indigenous dimension of Arctic governance — including the legal arguments around Sami national claims and the application of historical legal precedents to indigenous sovereignty, explored by Joe Fallon in ICE3 of the underlying Vuollai Rahkadus series — lies beyond the security-focused scope of this paper but represents an important parallel body of analysis to which readers with broader Arctic governance interests are directed.

The survey confirms one finding above all others: the gap between strategic aspiration and operational reality is a consistent feature across Western documents, while Russia's strategy — whatever its implementation shortcomings — has been executed with greater consistency and at greater resource intensity than any Western equivalent until very recently.

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